Among the recent publications La Historia Novelada de Alejandro Magno edited by Tomás González Rolan and Pilar Saquero Suárez-Somonte is of importance, since it compares the Latin Historia de Preliis I2 with the text of GE IV (ms. Vat. Urb. Lat. 539), with variants taken from the 4 other extant manuscripts5.

Now that parts I, II, IV and V are accessible through publication (I and II)6 and in microfiche (IV and V)7 the greater part of the whole extant GE of Alfonso el Sabio can be used for investigation of the accounts on Alexander as they are given there. The transcription of GE VI in which I am engaged at present allows me to trace eventual mentionings of Alexander. My prolonged confrontation with the Alfonsine texts and cooperation with the Madison Alfonsine Group in the transcription and computerization of GE IV and V (mss. Vat. Urb. Lat. 539, Esc. I.I.2 and R.I.10) enabled me to assemble the mentionings of Alexander in parts I and II as well as in IV and V 8. Prof. Lloyd Kasten and Prof. John Nitti were so kind to provide me with the concordances taken from parts I, II and IV concerning Alexander. I decided to ask only for the name of Alexander. The Latin sources regularly give Alexander epithets such as Macedonius, Magnus Rex, Pellaeus, etc. They have often been taken over by medieval authors. Alfonso does not belong to them, at least not in GE. Indeed, in the fourth part particularly there are some epithets to be found. They appear to be based on the sources, but quoted together with the name of Alexander. In GE V Pellaeus and Macedonius are consequently translated as Alexandre. My experience is based on my work done on GE IV and V which meant more than 100.000 lines so that I may be justified of my decision. In my opinion Alfonso's consequent handling of the name of Alexander points to his aim to make his work accessible to his readers and listeners, written as it is «en maestro lenguage de Castilla». In the course of this paper I shall refer to Alfonso and his collaborators as the author(s). In search of Alexander's image eventual sources and translation technique will be discussed where necessary.

It appears that in GE I the name of Alexander is mentioned 40 times. That does not mean that it is the great king himself who is treated in all 40 places. When the GE quotes Gautier de Châtillon he uses to call the Alexandreis «el Alexandre» or «el libro de Alexandres The computer duly reports Alexander! Such mentionings are of no interest in this study, except where there follows some information of Alexander taken from the Alexandreis. There remain 14 mentionings of which I like to discuss some which may give an insight into the image of Alexander.

On p. 80b the 4 world empires are treated: Babylonia, Macedonia, Carthage and the Roman Empire. Here the GE follows Orosius (Adversum paganos II, 1). It adds, however, writing on Macedonia: «E en la parte de septentrion el (regno) de Macedonia, que se començo enel grand Alexandre e se acabo enel maguer que regnaran y dantes el grand Hercules, e el rey Philippo... e aun dantes otros reyes». I failed to discover a source for this addition. A gloss in the consulted ms. of Orosius is a possibility. It becomes clear that Alfonso considered Alexander the prominent king of Macedonia. Again following Orosius (I, 4.4): «e cuenta Orosio que nunca otro lidiador nin guerrero entro a India fueras ende esta reyna (Semiramis) e el gran Alexandre (p. 102b). Here the authors point to Alexander's enormous campaign to India, however, without commentary.

On p. 119a we find a translation of Lucan's Pharsalia X, v. 272-275 9. It is Caesar who asks the priest Acoreus about the sources of the Nile. Acoreus answers that Alexander too had been in search for them. In the context it is not exactly Alexander about whom something has to be written, but also about the wish of other great men to find the sources. The GE translates the feelings and experience of Alexander. Since Lucan's poetry is very complex and often obscure, the Spanish translation gives several explanations. The same we notice in part V where Lucan's difficult poem is completely translated. The translation of the passus in GE I and V (fol. 164r) is the same.

Lucan :

«Summus Alexander regum, quern Memphis adorat,

 inuidit Nilo misitque per ultima terrae

 Aethiopum lectos; illos rubicunda perusti

 zona poli tenuif. Nilum uidere calentem».

GE: «Alexandre, que fue el muy alto de los reyes, a quien la prouincia Menphis de Egipto aora, ouo enuidia del Nilo de non poder el, qui era como sennor de todo el mundo, saber el su fecho del su nascimiento e el su acabamiento, e enuio dellos sabidores e escollechos escodrinnadores de Ethiopia por los cabos dela tierra; e quando uinieron ala citara uermeia del ex del firmamiento ouieron a quedar alli, que non pudieron passar, e uieron alli el Nilo e fallaron le caliente». To the explanatory translation the author of the GE adds some words concerning Alexander's greatness: «de non poder, el qui era commo sennor de todo el mundo».

I have not been able either to trace the source of this addition which may have been inserted to underline the Christian thought and to make later acception of Alexander's early and violent death possible. In the paraphrasis of some final verses of the Alexandreis (fol. 238r) this acception becomes clear when the lasting good, that is God, is stressed. The mingling of Christian and pagan traits has been taken over from the HdP (p. 132) where we also read that at Darius' death Alexander swears by the «dioses mas poderosos» (fol. 218r). The image is that of the dry, rigid HdP, the additions in GE being of explanatory or narrative character.

The two other sources for the Alexander story, the Libro de los Buenos Proverbios and some final verses from the Alexandreis X, 446-451 22 concern Alexander's untimely death. In my earlier article I wrote in detail about Alexander's last days 23. The LBP is a mirror of princes from Arabic provenance. It becomes clear that the authors of GE had difficulties in reproducing the obscure gnomic reasoning of this source which disposes of a limited number of words and conceptions so that the reproduction sometimes results in some confused lines. The LBP is for the greater part a collection of sayings of Greek philosophers and of Alexander. We may attribute the taking over of most of the moralizations to Alfonso's great interest and involvement in Arabic literature and science. Style and vocabulary are closely followed, although the text of LBP has been shortened. Slight differences in wording are found which can change the original thought. They may be attributed to scribal errors. The tendency of Alexander's sayings is not different from those of the philosophers. The moving point is the reproduction of Alexander's letters to his mother Olympias and Olympias' mourning. Whereas the sayings show an abstract didactic character and have been abbreviated, the two fetters to Olympias are taken over in full. When the mourners, and among them several philosophers, are gathered around Alexander's tomb, the words dedicated to him by those wise men are not always flattering and thus one might think that here the image is going down. This is not the case. Alfonso suddenly cuts them short and ends with the moving letter of mourning sent by Olympias to Aristotle. We find a moral completion of the Alexander story in which Alexander's image remains favorable.

Although all through the GE quotations or statements taken from the Alexandreis are fond, for unknown reason Gautier's work is not used for the complete Alexander story 24. Only some of the concluding verses are paraphrazed. In «The last Days» I have given an analysis of the translation of these verses which are called «llanto» in GE, but which are in reality a moralization on death. The Spanish author does not use Gautier's mannered style, but uses his own medieval vocabulary, trying to translate into his own language. But also here Alfonso renders Gautier's opinion which is not negative.

Which conclusions may we make concerning Alexander's image in GE IV? It is not one picture of a hero, a madman or a warior. It is the image of the sources. The Spanish authors are convinced of Alexander's greatness, but certainly also of different appreciations. In GE IV there is a difference in Alfonso's handling of his material. In GE I and II he often takes distance from his sources, warning against «los auctores delos gentiles que... desuiaron de estorias» (GE I, 369a). Such disassociation is difficult to find in the principal story of Alexander. The images follow each other in the lines of the sources. The HdP dry as it is, is full of unbelievable happenings, but they are reproduced without comment. E. R. Smits points to the popularity of HdP L in medieval Europe and advances the opinion that the neutral uncolored image of Alexander might have made it possible to interprete it from one's own horizon 25.

The LBP and the Alexandreis function as an apotheosis of the Alexander story. This is not brought as a victorious ending. On the contrary, it is an elegant graveside speech. The frame, before and after the official story, provides us with some tales and statements taken without comment from their sources.

The biblical part of GE V (ms. Escorial I.I2, fols. 96r-l65v) contains the translation of the books of the Maccabees. There is no prologue which explains the planning of this part. The author inmediately starts with the introduction of I Mac. 1 which is not exactly favorable in its short exposition of Alexander's deeds. Rabanus Maurus is quoted to confirm the words of the Bible that Alexander was the first king of Macedonia in the right sense of royal authority. Again we find the translation of «siluit terra in conspectu eius» belonging here to the context of I Mac. 1. Flavius Josephus' Jewish Antiquities are the main source besides the Bible. Moreover we read: «ouo eguada et afforada a Judea commo es dicho». Probably it is a reminiscence of Alexander' attitude towards the Jews in HdP, although Comestor writes in equal terms. We find some similar sentences somewhat lower on fol. 96r.

A confusion of sources takes places on fol. 110r and 124r. On 110r the bible is responsible for the mentioning of the marvellous treasures Alexander left in the temple of Nanea. On 124r GE corrects this tale, contributing it rightly to Rabanus 26. No more about Alexander is found in the biblical part. There is a kind of equilibrium in the Alfonsine appreciation of the great king: the bible unfavorable, Alexander's attitude towards the Jews appreciated, his power well estimated, his liberality mentioned, even with more glamour than Rabanu's statement. We do not read a verdict from the side of the compilators of GE.

The profane part of GE V (Esc. R.I.10) constains 11 mentions of Alexander. This part gives as close a translation as possible of Lucan's Pharsalia, followed by a part of the Roman history, mainly concerning Caesar and his successor till the end of the Old Testament period («la quinta hedad»). Lucan's metaphoric and difficult poem is often explained by the Spanish authors, but they sometimes make odd errors. It becomes obvious that use has been made of glosses and scholia upon the Pharsalia. Since GE reproduces faithfully this source, Alexander is mentioned there where Lucan mentions him. Plinius, Statius, Ovid, Lucas Tudensis and Godfrey of Viterbo are supplementary sources.

In the short introduction on fol. 1r the author divides the causes of war into four categories: «De quatro maneras departen los abtores et los sabios que son las batallas. Et la primera llaman de gloria o de prez. Esta es de un principe que andouo por el mundo conquiriendo ef gano prez desy commo la fizo Hercoles et desy el Rey Alexandre el grande». The other reasons are: enmity between two parties, civil war and quarrel between brothers. In the opinion of GE Alexander belongs to the first category, that of the ambitious ones.

On fol. 112v we find an explanation of «Zeugma Pellaeum» (VIII, v. 237). It is clear that the author wants to inform his reader well: «Zeugma la çibdat de Peleo que fue Alexandre de quien dixeron Peleo dela çibdat de Peleo de Gresçia do nasçio».

On fol. 124v there is another explanation: «tibi sacrato Macedon seruetur in antro» (VIII, v. 694) is rendered as «tenjendo tu guardado enla cueua del sagrado conçejo el cuerpo del grant Alexandre)).

On fol. 131 v «Pellaeas arces (IX, v. 153) is translated as «las torres que el grant Alexandre... fizo». No further comment is found in these explanations.

In the beginning of the 10th book Lucan writes about Alexander's acts of violence. After a short introduction in which the Spanish author points to the Ptolomees as Alexander's successors in Egypt, he translates closely Lucan's far from appreciative verses. (The gloss on fol. 156v «Reprehension del actor contra la ambjeion et cobdicia del grand Alexandre)) is interesting, but may be ignored, since it is of a later hand).

On fols. 164r and 169r Alexander is mentioned again. The first passus was discussed in the analysis of GE I, p. 119a. Both mentions heighten the image of Alexander. On fol. 169r where X, v.509 and v.511 are rendered, we find again an explanation of «Pe!laeus» and some detailed information on «Insula quondam... nunc est Pellaeis proxima muris»: «yaze agora aquella cibdat de Faro cerca del çibdat de Pelieo que es Alexandria que fizo el rrey Alexandre et do yaze el su cuerpo»27.

In the Roman history we find a description of the reception of Cleopatra on occasion of her visit to Rome 28. The homage to her is compared with the reception of Alexander in Babylon: «Et fue Cleopatra recebida... con tantas onrras et tantas noblezas et marauillas que nunca el rrey Alexandre el grande fue resçebido con mas nin mas marauillosas en la çibdat de Babilonja» (fol. 180v).

On fols. 184r-18v in «Del alabança de Ponpeo el magno otrossy», the GE follows Plinius VII, 95: «Onde diz (Plinio) que conujene nonbrar... todas las alabanças et las batallas del grant Alexandre)). Twice there are mentions of Alexander in chronologies (fols. 188v and 217v).

On fol. 206v an echo of Alexander's glory is heard: rendering Orosius VI, 21, 19 the GE writes: «Et tornaron en el Cesar el prez del grant Alexandre ca asy commo los mandaderos delos españoles et delos françeses fueron demandar en medio de oriente el grant Alexandre por demandar le pazes et le fallaron en Babilonja... asy venjeron a España los mandaderos delos orientales».

26 PL 109, p. 1225.

29 Like Lucan, Alfonso's attitude towards Caesar in his adaptation of the Pharsalia is not favorable. There we find moralistic reflections about Caesar's warfare (see Almazán, pp. 81-84). A tone more similar to that of GE I and II is found again.